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BURNING OF FALMOUTH

(Now Portland, Maine),

BY CAPT. MOWATT, IN 1775.

BY

WILLIAM GOOLD,

OF WINDHAM, MAINE.

Piepared at the request of the Maine Historical Society, and read before it Feb. 19, 1873.
Bi'l rinted from tlie New-England Hist, and Gen. Register for July.

BOSTON:

FOR PEIVATE DISTEIBUTIOX.

1873.

THE

BURNING OF FALMOUTH

(Now Portland, Maine),

BY CAPT. MOWATT, IN 1775.

BY

WILLIAM GOOLD,

OF WINDHAM, MAINE.

Prepared at the request of the Maine Historical Society, and read before it Feb. 19, 1873.
Reprinted from the New-England Hist, and Gen. Register for July.

BOSTON:

FOE PRIVATE DISTEIBUTION.

1873.

E 741

Edition of 200 Copies.

(3^.

^

».

DAVID Clapp & Son, Printers.

BUENING or FALMOUTH L\ 177,5.

Within a few months an article lias appeared in tlie Ameslury (Mass.)
Journal on the Sparhawk family of Kittery, by Mr. John G. Whittier. I
have not seen the article itself, but the following which pnrports to be an
extract, has Jaeen copied into several papers :

"In 177"i Capt. Mowatt, of the British war shiji Canceau, witli three
other armed vessels, anchored off Portsmouth, under orders to bombard
and destroy the town. He privately went on shore and entered the spacious
Sparhawk mansion, at Kittery Point. He became so ftiscinated with Mary
Sparhawk that she persuaded him to save the town and tail to Portland,
then Fahnouth, which he laid in ashes."'

I have no knowledge of the authority for this statement." It probably
rests upon tradition, but I think it is an error. That there was a Jliss
Mary Hirst Sparhawk, of the age of about twenty years, then living at her
father the Hon. Nathaniel Sparhawk's splendid mansion at Kittery Point,
there is no doubt. That she was fascinating, is equally certain ; for history
says she fascinated Dr. Charles Jarvis, of Boston, and married him. On
the death of her husband she returned, about the year 1788, to the home of
her childhood, and died there in 1815. One of her brothers, Wm. Pepper-
rell vSparliawk, in compliance with the will of his grandfather, Sir William
Pepperrcll. had succeeded to bis house, title, and the most of his large
estate. By an act of the general court, hedio]iped the name of Sparhawk,
and became AVilliam (afterward Sir William) Pepperrell. lie with all the
family adlicred to the mother-country at the breaking out of the revolution.

' We learn tliat Mr. Whiitier pnve this tradition upon the aiitliurity of Brewster's
Bitinliles About Portsmouth, 2i scr., p. 187.

The coufiiscation act of 1778 swept away all liis property except the plate,
which was very valuable, and which was by that act allowed to be removed.
Two or three pieces were given to individuals and are still preserved, but
what remained was considered of such value that Col. Moulton, of York,
with six soldiers, was ordered to guard its conveyance to Boston for ship-
ment to its owner in London, whither he had gone in 1775. He died there
in 1816, aged 70.'

It is well known that, during the colonial troubles, the Sparhawk house
was the rendezvous and hiding-place of most of the chief loyalists of the
vicinity. Both of my great-grandfathers were Kittery men : one of them
sent his oldest son to Bunker Hill, and both took the opposite side to the
Sparhawks. The feme of the tory gatherings at that house has been
handed down as a family tradition. The fires of hospitality still burn in the
broad fireplaces of this now restored home of colonial aristocracy. Your
society and their invited guests will recollect their polite recejition at this
house, on their tour to York and Kittery, in the autumn of 1871. Capt.
Mowatt, in the British sloop-of-war Canceau, had been on the New-England
station a year or more, and no doubt had, while patrolling the eastern coast,
often visited the fine harbor at the mouth of the Piscataqua ; and as the
Sparhawk house and its occupants were prominent among the celebrities of
that aristocratic neighborhood, he had probably often been their welcome
guest. We can readily imagine him landing from his boat at the stairs at
the foot of the lawn, where a few years before the elder Sir Wm. Pepiier-
rell had kept his barge, and negro crew in uniform, and entering that long
avenue of elms whose stumps wo saw, now sad monuments of vandalism.
The house has been restored in the original style, but the elms cannot be in
one generation as they were when the British captain, in knee-breeches
and buckles, laced coat with ruffles at his hands, cocked hat with gold loop
and button, hurried over that ornamental pavement (yet perfect, although
130 years old), to spend an hourwilh the courtly Miss Mary, while waiting
for the ebb-tide to take his ship to sea. This was not only a splendid man-
sion, but, like an eagle perched on a crag watching its prey, from its elevated
situation he could watch the colonists in their little vessels far at sea. No
one would better appreciate this scene and its surroundings than Mr. Whit-
tier, nor is there one who could describe it in more befitting verse. We
know that young ladies, of Miss Sparhawk's age and station, often have
great influence with men in power. Sacred history tells us of one who, on
Herod's birth day, danced before him and pleased him so much that at her
request he save her the head of the moral censor wlmliiid displeased him ;

' Sec an article on tlie reppcrrcll Gencalogj' by the late Uslicr Parsons, M.D., in the
New-England Hist, and Gi;n. RroisTiiU, vol. xx. pp. 1 — 6.

but I think there was no hint tiiat Miss Sparhawk practised any blau-
dishments before the naval commander, only that he became so fascinated
that at her request be spared the neighboring town, and poured out liis
"wrath on poor devoted Falmouth.

After this long |)reface, we will examine the authentic history of the
transactions at Falmouth, during the colonial difficulties, and tefore the
burning, which will show that Mowatt had a grudge against the town, and
that Admiral Graves, who commanded the British fleet then blockading
Boston, had said that if certain things were done, " he would send an armed
force and beat the town down about their ears." These things were done,
and no doubt Mowatt was too glad to execute the orders he had solicited
from the admiral.

My authorities for this narration of facts, are principally the journals of
of the two ministers of the town, begun long before and kept through the
revolution. That of the Rev. Thomas Smith was compiled by Samuel
Freeman, Esq., in 1821. Mr. Freeman was a native of old Falmouth, and
witnessed the commotions until a short time before the bombardment. He
was elected sole delegate from Falmouth to the provincial congress, and
was in attendance at its session in Watertown. He held that office, by
reelection, three years, during two of which he was secretary of that body.
His public services well qualified him to compile the journal, and to supply
those copious notes and explanations which his edition contained. Copies
of his edition are now very rare. I know of only one perfect copy. It is
to be regretted that Mr. Willis felt compelled to omit, in his edition, the
most of the appendix to Mr. Freeman's, which contains his notes and
explanations. I have a distinct recollection of Mr. Freeman fifty years ago,
whose venerable figure, in the costume of colonial times, occupied the dea-
con's seat beneath the high pulpit, and facing the congregation, in the old
wooden church of the first parish in Portland. He died in 18.31, aged 87
years.

Having given my authorities, I will proceed with my sketch, which I
think will explain why the town was burned.

The people of the county of Cumberland, and especially those of
Falmouth, began early to express indignation at the acts of Parliament
bearing on the colonies. Soon after the passage of the odious stamp act of
176.5, a vessel arrived at Falmouth from Halifax witii tlie hated stamps, and
they were deposited in the custom-house. The people immediately assem-
bled and marched to the custom-house, demanded and received the stamps,
then fixed them to the top of a pole, carried them in procession through the
streets, to a fire prepared for the purpose, and burned them.

In 1774 in a town meeting the citizens "resolved that we will not buy

nor sell any India tea whatever, after this third day of Feb. until the act
that lays a duty on it is repealed." There were then 2500 lbs. of tea in the
hands of the dealers in town. Another resolve, passed at this meeting!
acknowledges their obligation to '' the people of Boston, for their early
notice of approaching danger," and for " their intrepid behavior on the
late tea-ships' arrival, and trust they will still be our watch-tower, and they
may depend on our utmost endeavors to support them at all times, in
defence of their rights and liberties." Also, " we rejoice that though
surrounded by fleets and armies, you yet remain firm and resolute." At
the close of the proceedings the town " voted that a committee be chosen to
meet committees of other towns to consult on the alarming state of public
affairs."

On the day of the closing of the port of Boston, June 14, 1774, the bell
of the meeting-house in Falmouth was muffled and tolled from sunrise
until nine o'clock in the evening. The result of the vote of the town in
February, inviting other towns to choose delegates to meet their's, was
that a county convention was held at Mrs. Greele's little one-story tavern^
in Falmouth, on the 21st day of September, 1774.

This was the first political county convention held in Cumberland, of
which the record has been preserved. It was composed of thirty-three
delegates from the nine old towns of the county. Although a hundred
years save one, have intervened since it was held, there has been no im-
provement on the course then adopted to secure a true expression of the
popular will. The people of the country towns chose their delegates who
attended, and then they went themselves, to see that their delegates obeyed
their instructions, as the record shows. After organizing by the choice of
the Hon. Enoch Freeman for chairman, and his son Samuel Freeman, our
historian, for clerk, the record says : " A committee from the body of the
people who were assembled at the entrance to the town, waited on this con-
vention to see if they would choose a committee of one out of each town,
to wait on Mr. Sherift'Tyng, to see whether he woidd act in his office under
the late acts of Parliament for regulating the government." By these acts
the appointment of all civil officers was taken from the people and vested
in the ci-owu,

SheritF Tyng was summoned before the convention and attend(^d, and
subscribed to a writtcTi declaration " that he would not as sheriff of the
county, or otherwise, act in conformity to, or by virtue of, said acts, unless
by the genei'al consent of said county." This declaration was voted to be
satisfactory to the convention.

While these proceedings were going on in the convention, the people from
the country had marched to the town house. The record continues : " The

convention then formed themselves into a committee to accomjiany Mr.
Sheriff Tyng to the body of the people, to present the declaration." The
people '' voted it satisfiictory, and after refreshing themselves, returned
peaceably to their own homes."

The convention met again in the afternoon, and a committee, of whom
Samuel Freeman was chairman, reported a long and spirited preamble and
resolutions, which were adojited. Tiie second resolution would, if carried
out now, be a public benefit. It was as follows : " That every one would
do his utmost to discourage lawsuits, and likewise compromise disputes as
much as possible." " Each member was interrogated separately, and pledged
himself not to accept any commission under the late acts of parliament."

Mr. Freeman says his notes, after he left Falmouth, were transcribed from
the letters of a gentleman in Falmouth to his friend in Watertown. The
friend in Watertown was no doubt himself, as he was then in attendance at
the Provincial Congress, and the only delegate from Falmouth. From
some circumstances and expressions I am led to believe that the writer of
the letters was Gen. Jedediah Preble, a leading merchant of the town, and
a member of the committee of inspection.

Capt. Samuel Coulson had been for several years engaged in the mast
business between Falmouth and Bristol, England, from whence he came,
and had married a daughter of the elder Dr. Coffiu, of Falmouth, and
resided in the doctor's house on King street. He had built a very large ship
for those days at the foot of his street. She was of 1000 tons. To ship
masts required large vessels.

Capt. Coulson was violently opposed to the popular sentiment of the
colonies, and made himself very obnoxious to the people. On the second
of May, 1775, a vessel of Coulson's arrived from Bristol, with rigging, sails,
and stores, for the new ship. There was a committee of inspection, com-
posed of leading men of the town, one of whom was Samuel Freeman.
This committee was called together at the library chamber the same day of
the arrival of Coulson's vessel.

There was a compact between the colonies called the " American
Association," the provisions of which may be understood from what took
place in the committee meetings. Coulson was by vote desired to attend
on the committee. In answer to questions he stated that the vessel was
from Bristol, with stores and materials for his new ship. A sub-committee
was chosen to go on board and see if there were any other goods there.

At an adjourned meeting of the committee the next day, it was voted that
to allow Capt. Coulson to land his goods, and appropriate them to fit out
his new ship, would be a violation of the " American Association," and
directed that they be sent back to England without breaking the packages.

8

This was communicated to Capt. Coulson by a sub-committee. Coulson
immediately attended, and said tlie vessel must be repaired before she could
go to sea, and in order to do that the freight must be lauded ; but the vote
was adhered to, and the proceedings of the meeting were by vote, posted
up in a public place in the town. Instead of obeying the order to return
the goods to England, Coulson left for Boston, under the pretence of asking
leave of the provincial congress to rig his ship, and procured the assist-
ance of Capt. IMowatt in the sloop-of-war Canceau, to aid and protect him
in rigging and loading his ship, and proceeded to land his materials.

During the excitement caused \>y Coulson's bringing, the vessel to assist
him in violating the provisions of the Association, on the 21st of April news
arrived of the battle of Lexington. On the 23d a town-meeting was held,
and spirited proceedings were adopted, notwithstanding the Canceau was
lying in the harbor, whose commander, Coulson, and others were constantly
urging to make some demonstration. The news of the battle of Lexington
set the whole country in a blaze of excitement. At Falmouth a company of
60 soldiers was raised and hurried oft' to Cambridge.

Next came, what Mr. Freeman calls, " Thompson's war." On Tuesday,
the 9th of May, Col. Samuel Thompson, of Brunswick, with about fifty
soldiers, came in boats and landed secretly on the north side of the neck,
and encamped in a grove of pines. Each man had a small sprig of spruce
in his hat ; and a small spruce tree with the lower branches cut off" was their
standard. They seized and detained several persons who happened to pass
that way, in order to conceal their camp from the towns-people. About
one o'clock, P. M., Capt. Mowatt, his surgeon, and the Rev. Mr. Wiswall, of
St. Paul's Church, were walking for pleasure in the vicinity, when they
were seized and made prisoners. As soon as Lieut. Hogg, then in command
of the Canceau, heard of the capture of Capt. Mowatt, he sent a threaten-
ing letter on shore. Gen. Preble, in a letter to the provincial congress dated
on the 14th, says " he clapped springs to his cables and swore if the gentle-
men were not released before six o'clock, he would fire on the town. He
fired two cannon, and although there were no shot in them, it frightened
the women and children to such a degree that some crawled under the
wharves, some down cellar, and some out of town."

Some of the prominent men of the town visited Thompson's camp to.
urge the release of the prisoners. Thompson and his men were inflexible,
but night coming on, they concluded to march the prisoners to Marston's
tavern for a more sheltered consultation. The soldiers, including a Fal-
mouth company which had assisted in the escort, were paraded in front of
the house. Thompson argued that open hostilities between the colonies
and the mother-country existed ; that Providence had thrown the prisoners

9

ill Ills way, and that they were riglitly held. He finally found that the
whole town was against him, and at about nine o'clock he concluded to
release them, by their giving their parole to come on shore the next morn-
~ing ; Gen. Preble and Col. Freeman pledging themselves for them. The
principal reason given by the Falmouth men for urging tlieir release, was
that several vessels were daily expected with corn and flour, of which the
town stood very much in need.

Parson Smith, in his journal, under date of the 26th of June, says: —
'• People are apprehensive of a famine, there being a scarcity of corn and
flour." A few days after, he mentions the arrival of three vessels, " with
corn and flour." "So we are plentifulty relieved from all fears of famine.
Blessed be God."

At the appointed hour of nine, on Wednesday morning, Thompson began
to look for his prisoners, but none came ; whereupon his men became furi-
ous, and seized their sureties, Preble and Freeman, and kept them all day
without dinner. In the afternoon they sent to Mowatt to know why he
did not keep his parole. His reply was, that one of his men whom he had
sent on shore to his washerwoman, had overheard several threats from sol-
diers to shoot him as soon as he made his appearance, and he declined
coming. During the afternoon a large force of militia from the country,
numbering five or six hundred, arrived, and being greatly enraged on learn-
ing of Mowatt's release, threatened violence to Gen. Preble and Col.
Freeman, the sureties.

All the officers of the militia, including those of Falmouth, next resolved
themselves into a board of war, for the examination of tories, and sum-
moned several persons before them. Some came. The Rev. Mr. AViswall
had not gone on board the ship, and attended ut the appointed time. In
answer to questions, lie declared his abhorrence of the doctrine of passive
obedience and non-resistance, and was released. Several others were
examined, but none were punished. To keep peace and secure his release
with Col. Freeman, Gen. Preble was obliged to furnish the troops with
several barrels of bread, a quantity of cheese, and two barrels of rum for
each company.

The soldiers entered Capt. Coulson's house and took what they wanted,
and used the house for a barrack. Some of them became exhilarated by
the liquor found in Coulson's cellar, and one, named Calvin Lombard, went
down to the shore and fired two balls from a musket, deep into the side of
the Canceau. The fire was returned from a " fusee," but no damage was done.

Thursday, the 11th, was a general fast, which Gen. Preble and Col.
Freeman were not prepared for, as the soldiers had obliged them to fast the
day before.

10

The soldiers seized one of Coulsoii's boats and dragsjed it throiigli tlie
streets, to a place of safety, aud the next day they seized one of Mowatt's, and
hauled it to the same place. Mowatt threatened to fire on the town if they
■were not returned, 1>ut Mr. Freeman's friend writes to him at Watertown
that "he has not fired yet, and here I sit writing at my desk in the old
place, being fully convinced that Mowatt never will fire on the town in any
case whatever." He also • writes : " the soldiers have to-day carried oflT
Mr. Tyng's Bishop, a piece of plate worth 500 pounds, old tenor, and his
laced hat." These were afterwards returned to Mrs. Ross, the uKJtlier of
Mrs. Tyng, by a resolve of the provincial congress. Tlie property
destroyed in Coulsou's house, and value<l at 140 pounds lawful money, was
paid for by authority of the same resolve.

On Friday afternoon, the last of the soldiers loft town, nnich to the
relief of the people. On Saturday, Mowatt made another demand for the
boats, but Thompson's men had taken them away when they left. Ou
Monday, Mowatt and Coulson sailed with their ships for Portsmouth and
Boston.

On the 8th of June, the Senegal of IG guns, Capt Dudington, arrived
from Boston, and anchored near the islands, and on the 12th Coulson
arrived again in his new ship, and anchored near the Senegal. Shei'iflf
Tyng, who had taken refuge with his friends in Boston, was with Coulson.
In reply to a letter, Capt. Dudington of the Senegal wrote the committee
that " his orders were to protect the persons and property of his majesty's
fiiithful subjects and not to distress them."

The wives of Sheriff Tyng and Capt. Coulson were permitted to go on
board the ships ; but the committee would not consent that Coulson should
have his masts with which he had intended to load the ship, as he was
a declared enemy of the town. On his arrival, the people had floated them
up the harbor out of his reach, the provincial congress having passed a
resolve to prevent tories taking their property out of the country.

Coulson next sent an armed boat to the mouth of Presumjiscot river,
ostensibly for water, but in reality to look out masts and timber for a cargo
for his ship. The people seized his boat, guns and men, but finally released
his men. Coulson finding he could not get his masts and was losing his
boat, sailed without them. These masts were secured in a cove at Cape
Elizabeth, near Vaughan's bridge, where they remained over 60 years. All
left of them in 1835 were built into Sawyer's wharf, at the foot of High
street ; and they are now covered by Commercial street.

After Capt. Coulson had left Boston for Falmouth to take in his masts,
Capt. Craudall, of Harpswell, was taken by one of Admiral Graves's fleet
and carried into Boston, and on his release he reported his interview with

11

the admiral. After the burning of the town, to prove that it was done by
order of the admiral, Capt. Crandall's sworn statement was procured. I
here copy a part of his affidavit from Freeman's notes :

" That sometime in the mouth of .June last, I sailed from Ilarpswell for
Salem, and on my passage there I was forcibly taken by an armed vessel
and carried into Boston. And being in the presence of Admiral Graves,
he asked me if such a man-of-war (he named her, but I have forgotten her
name) had arrived at Falmouth. I answered that I heard she had. He
then asked me if I thought she would be opposed by the people. I answer-
ed I could not tell. lie then asked me if Capt. Coulson was loading at
Falmouth. I replied that I had heard he met with such opposition from
the people as to prevent it. Upon which the admiral said : ' You may tell
them that if they will not let him load, I will send a ship, or ships, and
beat the town down about their ears.'

(Signed) Philip Ckandall.

Sworn to on the 1 of Jan. 177G, before Wm. Sylvester,
of Ilarpswell, Justice of the Peace."

Dr. Deane says (page .341 of his diary) : " Capt. II. Mowatt, of Scot-
land, obtained, by his most urgent solicitation, an order from Graves, &c."
Mr. AVillis, in his History of Portland, page 518, says : "The vessels came
here direct from Boston, and no doubt can be entertained but that the
order proceeded from Admiral Graves, who then commanded on this station,
whose mind had been influenced by the representations of Mowatt, Coulson,
and others." In a letter from Gov. Bowdoin to Gov. Pownall in London,
dated in Boston in 1783, he says " The town was wantonly burnt, by order
of Admiral Graves."

From the authorities quoted I think aH will be convinced that the
bombardment was by Admiral Gra\es's orders, in consequence of repre-
sentations from Mowatt and Coulson.

I will now give a condensed sketch of the burning. The facts are prin-
cipally taken from the letters of the Hon. Enoch Freeman, chairman of the
committee of safety, to his son Samuel in Watertown, with the statements
of other eye-witnesses.

On the IGtli of October, 1775, the people of Falmouth were surprised by
the arrival below of a squadron of four armed vessels and a store-vessel.
The wind being fresh from the northwest the vessels anchored near the
islands. When the people learned that Capt. IMowatt was in command,
they supposed he had come for sheep and cattle, for the British forces in
Boston. As there were large stocks of cattle on the islands, the enlisted

12

men composing one company and ]iai-t of another were at dusk sent down
quietly to guard tlie slieep, cattle and hay.

The next day, Tuesday, the wind being still ahead and very strong, the
vessels warped up the harbor, and anchored in line in front of the town.
By a drawing still preserved, we are enabled to fis the position and rig of
each vessel. The Canceau of 16 guns, the flag-ship, was anchored opposite
the foot of India street. Next above was a schooner of 1 2 guns. Then
the ship Cat of 20 guns, ojiposite Union wharf, and a bomb sloop above
all. The store-schooner took a station below the armed vessels.

Late in the afternoon, Capt. Mowatt sent an officer on shore with a letter,
in which he said the town had been guilty of the most unpardonable re-
bellion, and from having it in orders to execute a just punishment on the
town of Falmouth, he gave two hours for the removal of the •■ human sjicrii' "
out of the town, at the period of which a red pennant would be hoisted at
the main-top-gallant-mast head, with a gun.

Dr. Deane says: "Near sunset he made known his errand liy a flag (of
truce), with a letter full of bad English, and worse spelling."

The Rev. Jacob Bailey of Pownalborough, Vt'ho had been officiating at St.
Paul's church after ISIr. Wiswall had left, says in a letter : " The officer
landed at the foot of King street amid a prodigious assembly of people and
was conveyed with uncommon parade to the town-house, and silence being
commanded, a letter was delivered, and read by Mr. Bradbury, a lawyer ;
but not without such visible emotion as occasioned a tremor in his voice."
After repeating the contents or import of the letter, he says : " It is im-
possible to describe the amazement which prevailed on the reading of the
alarming declaration. A frightful consternation ran through the assembly ;
a profound silence ensued for several moments. Then a committee of three
was chosen, one of whom was Dr. Coffin, brother of the wife of Capt.
Coidson, to wait on the commodore." This and much more is from the pen
of one who received his support from tlie mother country and was a loyalist.
His description of the bombardment, and the fright of the people, makes the
scene appear almost ludicrous.

Besides Dr. Coffin, mentioned by Mr. Bailey, (len. Preble and Robert
Pagan were on the committee. It is worthy of remark that this committee
were all Episcopalians, and members of St. Paul's parish. The conunittee
immediately went on board the Canceau. In answer to their remonstrance,
Capt. Mowatt informed them that his orders from the admiral did not au-
thorize him to give any warning to the inhabitants, but they required him
to come " opposite the town with all possible expedition [not to r/o info
Portsmouth.'] and there burn, sink and destroy," and that he had taken it
upon himself to give warning, at the risk of losing his commission.

13

The committee say, '"we expostulixteil with liim upon the severity of sncli
orders, and entreating that if possible some method miglit be fallen upon to
save the town ; or at least to give the inhabitants an opportniiity of moving
- some of their effects ; upon which he said, that if the inhabitants would in
the morning, by eight o'clock, deliver up four pieces of cannon which were
then in the town, with their arms in general, and ammunition, he would in
that case do no harm to the town until he had despatched an express to the
admiral, who he did not doubt would order him to save the town. And as
a token that his demand would be complied with, he required that eight
small arras should be delivered up by eight o'clock that evening, which
should be the condition of the town's being safe until eight o'clock the next
morning.

The committee told him that his demands would not in their opinion be
complied with, but tliat they would inform the town of his conditions. The
committee communicated the result of their interview with Capt. Mowatt
to the people, who were waiting in the town-house. No vote was taken,
but it was thought best to send the small-arms that evening, in order to
gain time to remove the sick, witli the women and children, and what
jiroperty could be got away that night.

AVednesday morning, the 18th, the citizens met, and "resolved by no
means to deliver up the cannon and other arms," and sent the same com-
mittee with the answer.

I must digress a little here to supply a little historical matter not found
in the books. By examining Mr. Freeman's notes, it will be seen that
there were no cannon in Falmouth .at the time of Mowatt's visit in May,
and that he had sent a letter on shore then, saying that he hail heard that
cannon were to be brought from the counti'y to destroy his ship, and
threatened to fire on the town in case of such an attempt.

We lind, at the burning in October, that there were four cannon in town.
There is no written account of where these guns came fi'om. I am glad to
be able to explain this. In 1743 the Massachusetts colon_y furnished the
eastern frontier-towns with small cannon to defend their timlier-forts against
the Indians, and to give the alarm to other settlements in case of an attack.
Windham's share of these guns was a long nine-pounder iron gun, which
was mounted in front of the fort, within the stockade, to fire as an alarm gun,
and two swivels, one for each watch-box at the diagonal corners of the fort.
This nine-pounder and one swivel, it is well known, were carried to Fal-
mouth when mother England began to be more feared than the Indians.
These guns were finally put on board the privateer Reprieve, Capt. Stone,
of Falmouth, in 177G.

Gorham did not fare quite as well as Windham in the distribution of the

14

guns : tliey got only two six-pound swivels, which were in their fort in
1775. One of them was fired when the Indians attacked the settlers in
1746, which brought twelve armed men from Falmouth to their assistance.
Of course they were in duty bound to assist their deliverers. These two
guns, tradition says, were carried to Falmouth at the commencement of the
revolutionary troubles, and an effort was made to have them returned, but
without success. It was undoubtedly these four guns which Mowatt tried
in vain to secure. Perhaps one reason why the Falmouth people hung to
them with such tenacity, was that they were borrowed.

We will now return to the negotiations about these guns on Wednesday
morning. We left the committee on their way to the ship, with the answer
of the town's people to Mowatt's demand. They were directed to spend as
Ions; a time on board as possil)le, to give time to secure more property. They
remained on board until half-past eight o'clock, when they were requested
by Mowatt to go on shore. lie probably felt sore at the refusal of the
citizens to be disarmed. The committee obtained half an hour to get out of
the way themselves.

Prompt at the moment of 9 o'clock, the dreaded signal went up " to the
main-top-gallant-mast head with a gun " on board the flag-ship, followed
immediately by the blood red pennant on all the other vessels: an appro-
priate color under which to commit such a dastardly act.

Col. Enoch Freeman, in his letter to his son, says : " the firing began from
all the vessels with all possible briskness, discharging on all parts of the
town, which lay on a regular descent towards the harbor, an horrible shower
of balls from three to nine lbs. weight, bombs, carcasses, live shells, grape-
shot, and musketballs. The firing lasted, with very little cessation, until
six o'clock, P. M., during which several parties came on shore to set buihlings
on fire. Parties of our people and others from the neighboring towns ran
down to oppose them, and it is thought killed several."

I am writing this in a house the frame of which was partly raised that
morning. The men employed heard the guns ten miles off', and knew what
they meant, and they hurried away to the assistance of Falmouth.

Of the parties who landed to set fires, one officer was struck down and
disarmed near the present custom house, according to Dr. Deane.

I saw, 50 years ago, a tin speaking-trumpet, nearly eaten up by rust, which
was taken from an officer with a torch in his hand. This, with several can-
non-shot, was kept in a closet under the high pulpit of the old meeting-
house of the first jiarish. The shot had pierced the venerable structure,
and set it on fire ; but the fire was extinguished. This trumpet and the
shot were then kept there as mementos of the burning. One shot is still
preserved. I have never seen this trumpet alluded to in any account of
the bombardment.

15

None of the town's people were killed, and only one was wounded. Widow
Alice Greele, who kept the fashionable tavern of the town, saved her house
b}' remaining in it, and extinguishing the flames when it caught fire. The
selectmen, in a published statement, say that about three quarters of the
buildings, including 130 dwelling houses, St. Paul's (Episcopal) church
with the bell, the town house, a new fire-engine, and the public library were
consumed. Only one or two wharves escaped the flames. "What vessels
were not consumed were taken away by the enemy, for such we must now
call them.

On Pointer's draught, already mentioned, every house, and store, and
public building is drawn as it stood before the fire ; those which were des-
troyed are so marked. This draught was sent to Dr. Deane to correct,
which he did. In a letter to i\Ir. Freeman on the subject, he says : " Let
barns, &c., be placed where you can recollect any, and perhaps it would not
be amiss to make some where you do not recollect any." It w^as then the
intention to have it engraved immediately, but this was not done until
1849.

The first tears I ever shed for another's misfortunes were, I think, for the
suttering women and children of Falmouth. I often heard their story re-
peated by an old lady, who lived near my fiithei's, until I was afraid to go
home in the evening for fear of meeting Mowatt, or some of his incendiaries,
with a fire-brand. This good woman, at the time of the burning, lived in
the town, in " Clay Cove." Her husband had enlisted in the continental
army, intending to leave his wife and child in their snug home in Falmouth.
On the arrival of the ships he was one of those who went to the islands to
guard the cattle and sheep, and could not retiu'n until the firing had com-
menced. His name was Barton, and he was then about "28 and his wife 20
years old. Mrs. Barton remained in her house waiting for her husband,
until the hot shot and shells began to fall near, and several of the neighbor-
ing buildings were on fire, and her own dwelling had become untenable.
She could wait no longer. She tied up her only feather bed with some
small articles of clothing in a sheet, and slung it over her shoulder. She
then took her little boy on her other arm and fled from the burning town.
To reach a place of safety she was obliged to walk nearly a mile through
the most thickly settled part of the town, with the ships in full view.
Several times bombs with their smoking fuses fell near her, and she quick-
ened her pace to escape the explosion. With many others she took shelter
under the high ledges near the Casco street church, which have since been
blasted away. The vicinity was then a gi-ove of oaks, which gave Oak
street its name. A 3 lb. shot fell near her, which she secured. Here her
husband found her on his return from the islands, and here they remained

16

until nearly nif^lit. "When the firuig had slackened they ventured out, and,
after depositing their bed in a jjlace of safety, walked to lier fatlier's in
Windham, eleven miles; one carrying the child, and the otiier the cannon
shot, and occasional!}' changing.

Their dwelling and household goods were burnt, and they were compelled
to begin the world anew. Barton and his wife's father built a small log
house half a mile from the father's, and here he left his wife and joined
Capt. Richard Mayberry's comjiany as corporal. This was the fifth com-
pany of the eleventh regiment of the Massachusetts Baj- forces, in the army
commanded by Gen. Gates at the capture of Burgoyne in 1777. This com-
pany was also in the battles of Monmouth and Hubbardston. At the end
of his term of three years service. Barton left the army, and was ])aid ofl' in
paper money which was almost worthless. He came home and went to
work witli a will, but was soon after killed by a falling tree. His widow
suffered many hardships in her poverty, but a government pension very
much relieved her declining years. She died in 1841, aged 80.

On the day set apart for the commemoration of the soldiers' services and
suft'erinsrs, I am careful that Barton's grave is not forgotten.

LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS

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